The Egyptian government, however, was slow to respond, and its initial efforts were characterized by bureaucratic delays and a lack of coordination. This lack of coordination led to a significant delay in the flooding’s impact being felt by the affected communities. This delay, in turn, hampered the government’s ability to provide timely and effective relief.
A. Climate Change Impacts on a Nile Delta Village
B.
* The village is located in the Nile Delta, a region known for its fertile land and agricultural production. * The village faces challenges related to climate change, including rising sea levels, flooding, and droughts. * The village relies on civil society support for adaptation and mitigation efforts.
A. The Fragility of the Bridge of Civil Society
B.
This bridge, however, can be fragile and easily broken. The effectiveness of this bridge depends on several factors, including the strength of the civil society organizations, the quality of the public discourse, and the willingness of the state to engage with civil society. The strength of civil society organizations is crucial for the effective functioning of the bridge. Strong organizations are well-resourced, have a clear mandate, and are able to mobilize their members effectively.
This question is crucial in understanding the limitations and opportunities presented by a given context. It raises an important debate about the power of civil society in achieving positive change. In Egypt, the landscape of civil society is complex and multifaceted. The history of civil society in Egypt is long and nuanced, evolving through several phases. **1.
This commitment to civil society engagement is not merely a symbolic gesture. It is deeply embedded in the Egyptian government’s understanding of climate change as a complex issue that requires a multi-sectoral approach. The government recognizes that addressing climate change necessitates collaboration across various sectors, including the private sector, civil society, and the public. This recognition is reflected in the strategies’ emphasis on public awareness campaigns, community-based initiatives, and the development of climate-resilient infrastructure.
**1. Political Constraints:**
* **Authoritarian regime:** Egypt’s political system, characterized by an authoritarian regime, restricts freedom of speech and assembly. This severely limits the ability of civil society groups to openly criticize the government and advocate for climate action.
Sanctioned Environment? Since the 2011 political upheaval in Egypt, the landscape of civil society activism has witnessed fundamental transformations. As the country is home to a rich and expansive number of registered CSOs, there is considerable existing research on Egyptian civil society, documenting numerous organizational inefficiences, fragmentation, and decades of adapting to challenging political circumstances. Large swaths of Egyptian civil society often have lacked domestic constituencies that support their missions; have operated under an overall environment of restriction; and invariably have depended on foreign funding, which repeatedly has exposed them to attacks that aim to discredit them domestically. In recent years, international rights group have described “unprecedented” and renewed restrictions on NGOs in Egypt. Civil society groups have been characterized as being on “life support” and facing the risk of “obliteration.” Human rights groups describe a landscape in which a combination of repressive tactics, combining legal and bureaucratic restrictions with threats of arrests and crackdown, have constrained the scope of activities and issues on which NGOs can work. Some critics points out that vaguely worded bureaucratic and legal restrictions sanctioning the activities of nonstate groups have hampered the spaces in which CSOs function and interact.
Law 70 of 2017, while ostensibly aimed at strengthening civil society, has been criticized for its restrictive nature. Critics argue that it has led to a chilling effect on civil society, hindering its ability to operate freely and effectively. This chilling effect is further exacerbated by the Egyptian government’s ongoing efforts to control and monitor civil society organizations.
This statement highlights a complex and nuanced issue. It suggests that while the government may claim to be regulating NGOs, the reality is that these restrictions are creating a climate of fear and uncertainty for activists. This is a common theme in many countries where governments attempt to control civil society. Let’s delve deeper into the implications of this situation.
Holding this context in mind, the following section will turn to the specific contours of civil society engagement around climate change in Egypt, highlighting the myriad ways in which some groups, aware of the overwhelming pressures facing CSOs, work on the topic—often by adopting alternative operational models and tactics. Civic Engagement, Climate Engagement They may cover the windows with black drapes and block the entrance with a sign that you are not allowed to enter or record. But, if you just walk around the building, you might find a broken window and watch every detail. . . . Maybe even, without them noticing, you can enter the room.
This lack of research and understanding is a significant barrier to effective climate action in Egypt. It hinders the role of CSOs in advocating for policy changes, mobilizing public support, and raising awareness about climate change. The limited research on CSO engagement with climate change in Egypt is further compounded by the challenges faced by CSOs themselves.
This discrepancy highlights the disconnect between the stated commitment to climate action and the actual implementation of such initiatives. The study also revealed that a significant portion of the Egyptian CSOs, around 60 percent, were not actively engaged in climate change mitigation and adaptation. This lack of engagement, coupled with the limited climate-related content in their organizational documents, suggests a potential disconnect between the aspirations of these organizations and the realities of their operational capacity.
A. The Rise of Environmental Activism in Egypt
B.
* Egypt’s history of associational life is rich, but environmental activism is limited. * Environmental activists are small in number and often circle between organizations. * Civil society professionals with environmental credentials are well-connected.
This is particularly true for the Egyptian CSOs working in the water sector. These organizations have been instrumental in raising awareness about water scarcity and its impact on communities. They have also been actively involved in developing and implementing community-based water management strategies.
Interested observers, thus seeking to identify organizations working on the climate agenda at a national level, may find it difficult to assemble a comprehensive list of entities with this focus, and instead they come away with a perception of a fragmented civil society landscape. In many ways, the civil society groups working on climate change in Egypt resemble the government response to the climate crisis, with decision making around climate change distributed across multiple ministries, each holding separate and often competing mandates. This dynamic in turn has consequences for environmental NGOs, which must learn to identify suitable allies across a loose government structure.
They focus on practical solutions and tangible outcomes, such as promoting sustainable practices, reducing waste, and creating green jobs. This model emphasizes collaboration and community building, fostering a sense of shared responsibility for environmental protection. The second model involves engaging in direct action and public protests. This model is characterized by its confrontational approach, often targeting specific government policies or corporate practices that are perceived as harmful to the environment.
This approach is often characterized by a more direct and less formal engagement, relying on personal relationships and informal networks. **Here’s a breakdown of the three tactics:**
1. **Formal engagement:** This tactic involves direct participation in policy processes through formal channels, such as consultations, public hearings, and submission of written proposals.
These sentiments echo Yomna ElSayed’s exploration of a trend showing social enterprises emerging in Egypt as a “hybrid” space for activists to “transition back to civics,” drawing on the revolutionary movement of 2011 but within the current state of sanction. She finds that despite the social enterprise label, few groups successfully generate a real profit. Instead, they maintain the work that allows them to engage in advocacy campaigns, in which the ideas of politics are kept strategically vague and ambiguous to practice “politics by other means” shaping “win(s) without attrition.” One entrepreneur rationalized in an interview: “The restrictions are overwhelming. So, I am thinking of it instead as a puzzle, which means I’ll work on another part of the piece.”
Makerspaces are becoming increasingly popular, especially in urban environments where individuals have limited access to traditional manufacturing facilities and equipment. They provide a collaborative and supportive environment where individuals can work on their projects together, share knowledge, and learn from each other. The popularity of makerspaces is driven by a variety of factors, including their ability to foster creativity and innovation, their accessibility, and their cost-effectiveness.
**
A. Social Enterprises: Bridging the Gap Between Profit and Purpose
B.
Social enterprises are businesses that operate with a social mission. They aim to generate profits for their owners while simultaneously addressing social or environmental issues. This subcategory of social enterprises focuses on facilitating workshops and community learning.
In the second pattern identified, civil society groups may find themselves the main responders to localized crises, including around extreme weather events. In repeat episodes across the Nile Delta, and in Alexandria, local charities and place-based NGOs are often the main respondents and distributors of relief packages. This service delivery role can be in some cases highly depoliticized and reactive, rather than one designed to shape Egypt’s climate policies. Many charities responding to climate events have neither policy specialization nor deep understanding of climate change, nor even the lexicon to attribute events to a changing climate. However, in some cases, including one example in Alexandria after the 2015 flood that displaced the villagers mentioned at the start of this piece, one local charity ended up working directly with the city’s municipal authorities, building on their credentials and relief networks to review and audit flood management practices in Alexandria. Much of this work is rarely credited, and the CSOs advising municipal authorities on ways to improve practices do not always have visibility of reach of their diagnostics. Nevertheless, local charity groups may have a critical role in forming knowledge and preliminary analysis, which in turn may have influence in determining government understandings of the nature of climate risks in the country, along with ways to address social vulnerability.
This lack of information sharing hindered the city’s ability to prepare for the flood. The analysis also revealed that the city’s vulnerability to the 2015 flooding incident was exacerbated by a lack of investment in infrastructure and a lack of awareness among the residents. The lack of investment in infrastructure, particularly in drainage systems, led to the flooding of homes and businesses.
With security and political restrictions both shaping what is possible for advocacy and curtailing any ability to work at the grassroots level, a pragmatic resignation that “it’s not the right time to mobilize people” has given way to these tactics, premised on what one CSO project manager described in an interview as “constructive dialogue with the right people.”6 Ties with officials are personality-driven and contingent upon fragmented policy openings. But they also are shaped by a mutual perception across government and civil society dividing lines that climate change occupies a marginal place in national conversations. In this context, specialized government officials, tasked with navigating their own burdensome bureaucratic structures, are aligned with their civil society counterparts on advancing attention around climate action. One environmental justice activist proposes that in a context where a “community of interested parties” around climate change is so small, “allies” within government—specifically mid-level bureaucrats and officials in local government offices—are crucial. Put simply, officials need support to deliver their policy objectives, and well-networked CSOs must identify key leverage points to capitalize on this need.
This is because they are often developed in response to specific events or situations, and their applications are limited to those contexts. This lack of institutional continuity can lead to a number of problems, including: 1. A lack of shared understanding and common ground between different models. 2. A lack of resources and support for their implementation. 3. A lack of adaptability and flexibility in responding to new situations. 4.
However, attracting attention is often necessary for achieving meaningful change. This tension between the need for attention and the risk of attracting unwanted attention is a common theme in activism. The summary provided highlights the importance of navigating the political landscape while working with the government. It emphasizes the need to “play the game” and avoid overt political stances.
This tactic is particularly effective in situations where there is a lack of trust in government institutions and a desire for alternative solutions. **The tactic of “disavowing political claims” is a powerful tool for environmental activists. It allows them to bypass the complexities of political maneuvering and focus on the environmental issue at hand.
Climate change politics, environmental leaders propose, “are not honest” as they offer “an indirect point of entry into conversations on power, but the links are not always obvious.”10 In the political, economic, and security environment in Egypt—with inflation reaching an unprecedented 40 percent, an escalating debt crisis, and domestic security volatility—environmental issues may seem like “irrelevant,” “trivial,” and secondary issues dismissed as mere “privileges” that do not require imminent and immediate attention against critical livelihood matters.11 But environmental NGOs and activists are not oblivious of the political nature of their work. Instead, they exploit the lack of political clarity as an “advantage that offers the space to work on the issue”—to build alliances, discourses, and make connections.12 Some argue that being off the political radar is “beneficial because you have more time. You have a buffer.”13 This buffer allows for the technical nature of climate management, and the advocates campaigning on behalf of solutions to be listened to and even “congratulated” by high-ranking officials for “positive engagement” that “gives suggestions based on data.”14 By focusing on the policy issues, rather than the political system at large, CSO activists show that “if you understand the society you are working with, [officials] will listen and won’t leave the conversation deciding they never want to see you again.”15
They are common across many countries, particularly in the Middle East and Africa. These tactics are often used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate power and suppress dissent. **The summary describes a set of tactics used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate power and suppress dissent. It does not, however, specify these tactics.
This allows CSOs to engage in policy debates and influence decision-making processes, even in the face of political constraints. This is because climate change, as a global issue, transcends national borders and political boundaries. This allows CSOs to leverage the global stage and international organizations to amplify their voices and advocate for change.
This fragmentation, however, presents a significant challenge. It hinders the effectiveness of environmental policy efforts and limits the potential for achieving a comprehensive and sustainable solution. The fragmented nature of environmental advocacy is a result of several factors. First, the diverse range of environmental issues that need to be addressed. Second, the lack of a unified national environmental policy framework.
1. **The limitations of self-censorship in climate governance:**
* **Scope for radical change:** Self-censorship can restrict the scope of climate action, limiting the potential for radical change. * **Global narratives:** The assumption that civil society is the primary driver of climate governance is often oversimplified.
This is because climate change is a complex issue that requires a multi-faceted approach. It necessitates collaboration across sectors, disciplines, and even across borders. This complexity necessitates a multi-faceted approach, requiring collaboration across sectors, disciplines, and even across borders. The success of climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies depends on the effective implementation of policies. Effective implementation requires a strong foundation of public support and engagement.
Finally, CSOs have adopted tactics to find supposedly apolitical ways to play politics. Through organizational formats like social enterprises, makerspaces, and community hubs, activists work under a label that is sanctioned under current political configurations, allowing themselves to be seen as “partners in development” by officials instead of being labelled as provocateurs. Such intentional depoliticization of the work risks and limits CSO abilities to recruit and retain support and, more fundamentally, to critically track government performance and commitment information. Moreover, by working in nonthreatening ways, local civil society groups also often effectively are unable to build international coalitions or even cross-regional networks, especially with more radical grassroots networks.
1. **Mapping Civil Society Actors:** Develop a comprehensive and accurate map of Egypt’s civil society landscape, identifying key organizations, their areas of expertise, and their networks of connections. This map should be regularly updated and accessible to all stakeholders. 2.
Notes 1 Interviews have been anonymized throughout to protect the identity of individuals and organizations—attributing characteristics and descriptors will be kept general and high level. 2 Ragia El Gerzawy, Khareetat al-Nashat al-Beye’ay fe Masr (Cairo: Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, 2016). 3 Author’s estimation. 4 Interview with social enterprise climate change program manager. 5 Interview with makerspace founder, based and operating in Alexandria, Egypt. 6 Interview with rights-based environmental educator. 7 Interview with pioneering environmental NGO founder. 8 Interview with rights-based environmental advocate. 9 Interview with program manager in rights-based organization. 10 Interview with program manager in rights-based organization. 11 Interview with rights-focused environmental researcher.
12 Interviews with a project manager and a second climate-focused researcher. 13 Interview with project manager. 14 Interview with long-term activist and environmental adviser. 15 Interview with long-term activist and environmental adviser.
